附录
§1
附录APPENDIX
§2
为了帮助理解导致赐下某些证言的环境，怀爱伦著作托管委员会准备了下述注释。{1T 713.1}[1]
§3
As an aid to an understanding of the circumstances which led to the giving of certain testimonies, the following notes have been prepared by the Trustees of the Ellen G. White Publications.?{1T 713.1}[1]
§4
第116页：“安息日开始的时间”——约有十年时间，守安息日的复临信徒从星期五下午六点到星期六下午六点遵守安息日。1846年贝约瑟长老所发表的第一份论第四诫安息日之永恒性小册子里，提出了他所认为这样遵守安息日的经文依据。他引用了葡萄园工人的比喻。最后一批工人是在“酉初”蒙召的，只工作了一个小时。“到了晚上”就与他们结帐（太20:6,8,12）。他将此与基督的问题“白日不是有十二小时吗？”相对照（约11:9），考虑到赤道时间或宗教年份的开始，主张“晚上”是从下午六点开始的。人们没有深究就接受他结论主要原因，可能是出于对他的年龄和经验，以及他虔诚人生的尊敬。{1T 713.2}[2]
§5
Page 116, “Time to Begin the Sabbath”—For a period of about ten years Sabbathkeeping Adventists observed the Sabbath from 6 P. M. Friday to 6 P. M. Saturday. Elder Joseph Bates in his first pamphlet on the perpetuity of the Sabbath of the fourth commandment, published in 1846, had given reasons for the supposed scriptural support for the observance of the Sabbath in this way. He cited the parable of the laborers in the vineyard, the last group of which had been called at “the eleventh hour” of the day and had wrought but one hour. The reckoning was made with them “when?even?was come.”?Matthew 20:6, 8, 12. Comparing this with Christ’s question, “are there not twelve hours in the day?” He argued that the “even” began with the twelfth hour, or six o’clock, reckoning with equatorial time or the beginning of the sacred year. Respect for his years and experience and his godly life may have been the main reasons for accepting his conclusions without further investigation.?{1T 713.2}[2]
§6
随着时间的流逝和信息的传开，越来越多遵守安息日的人开始质疑这种算法，提出了以日落时间来计算安息日的开始。J.N.安德烈长老就这个问题充分研究了圣经之后，写了一份论文，阐述支持日落时间的圣经理由。这份论文于1855年11月17日安息日在密歇根州巴特尔克里克的集会上提出来讨论，结果几乎全体在场的人都认为安德烈长老的结论是正确的。关于该问题的说明两天后在这个异象里赐给了怀爱伦，回答了一些人心中的问题，在信徒中达成一致。怀雅各长老后来论述了这个经验，说明异象的作用是肯定圣经研究的结论，而不是提出新的教训：{1T 713.3}[3]
§7
As time passed and the message spread, an increasing number of Sabbathkeepers questioned the practice and advocated the sunset time for reckoning the beginning of the Sabbath. A thorough Bible investigation of the question was made by Elder J. N. Andrews, who wrote a paper setting forth the Biblical reasons in favor of the sunset time. This paper was introduced and discussed on Sabbath, November 17, 1855, at the Conference in Battle Creek, Michigan, with the result that nearly, but not quite, all present were convinced that Elder Andrew’s conclusion was correct. The presentation of the subject to Mrs. White in this vision, given two days later, answered the questions lingering in some minds and effected unity among the believers. Commenting on this experience, as illustrating the office of the visions to confirm conclusions based on Biblical study rather than to introduce new teachings, Elder James White wrote later:?{1T 713.3}[3]
§8
“问题自然会出现。如果赐下异象是为了纠正错误，为什么她没有早一些看到六点钟的错误呢？我一直很感恩，因为上帝按祂自己的合适时间纠正了错误，并不让我们在这一点上存在不幸的分歧。但是，亲爱的读者，主在这一点上的作为与属灵恩赐的正确地位是和谐一致的。在主的仆人殷勤查考祂的话之前，祂显然不愿用圣灵的恩赐教导祂子民有关圣经的问题。关于安息日开始的时间，当主的仆人殷勤查考了圣经，多数人已经确定，但一些人在这个问题有与整个团体不一致的危险时，上帝才彰显祂的慈爱，通过圣灵的恩赐完成这项合适的工作。”——《评论与通讯》1868年2月25日。{1T 713.4}[4]
§9
“The question naturally arises, if the visions are given to correct the erring, why did she not sooner see the error of the six o’clock time? I have ever been thankful that God corrected the error in His own good time, and did not suffer an unhappy division to exist among us upon this point. But, dear reader, the work of the Lord upon this point is in perfect harmony with his manifestations to us on others, and in harmony with the correct position upon spiritual gifts. It does not appear to be the desire of the Lord to teach His people by the gifts of the Spirit on the Bible questions until His servants have diligently searched His word. When this was done upon the subject of the time to commence the Sabbath, and most were established, and some were in danger of being out of harmony?with the body on this subject, then, yes,?then, was the very time for God to magnify His goodness in the manifestation of the gift of His Spirit in the accomplishment of its proper work.”—The Review and Herald, February 25, 1868.?{1T 713.4}[4]
§10
第116,117,122,123页：“信使会”——1854年夏天，守安息日的复临信徒中出现了第一次背道。藉着预言之灵，两个宣讲信息的人受到了责备，因为他们怀着苛刻挑剔的精神，贪财，并且铺张地使用放在他们手中的钱财。他们没有悔改反而心生怨恨，联合了其它几个人不公正地指责怀长老夫妇和其他领袖，诬告他们。他们虽然在继续提倡安息日的真理，却开始出版一份诽谤性小报，称之为《真理使者》。{1T 714.1}[5]
§11
Pages 116, 117, 122, 123, “The?Messenger?Party”—In the summer of 1854 there appeared among the Sabbathkeeping Adventists the first disaffection, or apostasy. Two men who had been preaching the message were reproved through the spirit of prophecy for a harsh, censorious spirit, for avarice, and for extravagance in the use of means placed in their hands. Becoming embittered instead of repentant, they joined with a few others in unjust recrimination against Elder and Mrs. White and other leaders, making false charges against them. Although continuing to advocate the Sabbath truth, they began the publication of a slanderous sheet which they called the?Messenger of Truth.?{1T 714.1}[5]
§12
威斯康星州的斯蒂芬森和霍尔长老加入了他们的阵营。他们曾是第一日复临信徒传教士，自称接受第三位天使信息的真理，但继续坚持有关“将来时代”的道理。依照这种道理，在千禧年期间会有第二次得救的机会。然而他们同意若是《评论与通讯》不发表反对这个问题的文章，他们就传讲复临信息而不提倡这个问题。不过就如本文中所指出的，他们没有遵守诺言，并且不久就反对《评论与通讯》及其支持者。{1T 714.2}[6]
§13
They were joined by elders Stephenson and Hall of Wisconsin. These men had been first-day Adventist preachers, who professed to accept the truths of the third angel’s message, but who continued to hold doctrines regarding the Age-to-Come. According to this theory there was to be, during the millennium, a “second chance” for salvation. They agreed, however, to preach the message, without advocating this question, if the?Review?would not publish articles against it. However, as indicated in the text, they did not keep their promise and were soon opposing the?Review?and its supporters.?{1T 714.2}[6]
§14
这些“反对真理的人”不久就销声匿迹了。斯蒂芬森和霍尔都发了疯。《真理使者》于1857年停刊。1858年初，怀雅各长老就该会作了报导：“他们自夸与他们在一起的十八位使者，现在没有一位公开作见证了。据我们所知道，他们已没有一个正常聚会的地方。”——《评论与通讯》1858年1月14日。{1T 714.3}[7]
§15
The course of these “opposers of the truth” was soon run. Both Stephenson and Hall lost their reason. The?Messenger of Truth?ceased publication in 1857, and early in 1858 Elder White reported regarding the party: “Not one of the eighteen messengers of which they once boasted as being with them is now bearing a public testimony, and not one place of regular meeting of our knowledge among them.”—The Review and Herald, January 14, 1858.?{1T 714.3}[7]
§16
第190页：定期捐款——信息传播的初期，人们在信念的激励之下出去宣扬新发现的真理。他们靠自己的劳动或信徒的乐意奉献维持生活。但这种方法并不稳定，来源时断时续。到1859年初，人们感到需要更稳定的计划，就对这个问题作了认真的研究。结果就有了定期捐款计划。根据林前16:2，提出在每周的第一日定期捐献，并按照林后8:12-14，平均分配财务责任。该计划要求弟兄每周积蓄5到25美分；姐妹每周积蓄2到10美分；有财产的人每周按资产价值每一百美元奉献1到5美分。{1T 714.4}[8]
§17
Page 190, Systematic Benevolence—In the early days of the message, men impelled by the urge of conviction went forth to preach the new-found truths. They were dependent for their support upon their own labors or the freewill offerings of the believers. Such an uncertain method was more or less spasmodic and fluctuating. Early in 1859 the need for a more certain plan was felt, and earnest study was given to the matter. There grew out of this study the plan called Systematic Benevolence. In harmony with?1 Corinthians 16:2?giving regularly on the first day of the week was recommended, and, as suggested by?2 Corinthians 8:12-14, an equitable distribution of financial responsibility. The plan called for brethren to lay by in store weekly from five to twenty-five cents; the sisters, from two to ten cents; and for property owners to give weekly from one to five cents on each hundred dollars worth of assets.?{1T 714.4}[8]
§18
该计划得到了普遍的赞同。预言之灵在这里予以认可，指出教会中最大的罪是贪婪（第194页）。定期捐款并不是作为一个完美的计划提出来的，因为预言之灵还说在这件事上“上帝正在带领祂的子民”，并引导他们进步（第191页）。随着圣工支援计划和传道工作的拓展，慷慨的精神越来越受到鼓励，直到最后圣经的亮光显示了现今教会所熟知的十分之一和乐意捐制度。{1T 714.5}[9]
§19
The plan was generally received with favor, and here received?the endorsement of the spirit of prophecy. The greatest sin in the church was pointed out to be covetousness. (Page 194.) Systematic Benevolence was not presented as a perfected plan, for it was also stated that “God?is leading?his people” in the matter, and “is bringing” them up. (Page 191.) As plans for support of the work and the ministry broadened, the spirit of liberality was encouraged more and more until at length light from the Scriptures revealed the system of tithes and offerings as they are known in the church today.?{1T 714.5}[9]
§20
第210页：组织——1860年以前，守安息日的复临信徒还没有合法的教会组织，甚至连名称也没有。他们自称是“分散的羊群”或“小群余民”等。此时怀长老通过《评论与通讯》宣布，他不能继续为借给《评论与通讯》出版社的钱负个人的责任。他进一步表示希望不久“这班信徒能有一定的组织，为他们教会的产业保险，以适当的方式拥有他们的聚会场所，以便那些立遗嘱或希望立遗嘱的人，可以分出一部分给出版部门。”他呼吁弟兄们就如何实现这个愿望提出建议，以便“我们作为一班信徒”可以采取行动获得上述利益。{1T 715.1}[10]
§21
Page 210, Organization—Up to the year 1860 there had been no legal or church organization among the Sabbathkeeping Adventists. They had not even adopted a name. They spoke of themselves as the “Scattered Flock,” The “Little Remnant,” or some variation of such expressions. Now Elder White had announced through the?Review?that he must refuse to continue to assume?personal?responsibility for money lent to the Review and Herald office. He further expressed the hope that the time might soon come when “this people will be in that position necessary to be able to get church property insured, hold their meeting houses in a proper manner, that those persons making their wills, and wishing to do so, can appropriate a portion to the publishing department.” He called upon his brethren to make suggestions as to how this desire might be effected so that “we as a people” might act to secure the above advantages.?{1T 715.1}[10]
§22
在对于这个请求的最初回应中，有一位本文所提到的B弟兄。他认为依法成立宗教团体是错误的。他觉得这是“为要传扬我们的名”（创11:4），就像建造巴别塔的人一样，会“置身于巴比伦的根基上”。至于给聚会的场所上保险，它们不是主的产业吗？难道没有保险公司的帮助，祂就不能看顾自己的产业吗？此外他还说，那些借钱给出版社的人不应该索取法人所签署的票据，因为“他们既是借给主的，就该在这一点上信赖主。”——《评论与通讯》，1860年2月23日，3月22日。{1T 715.2}[11]
§23
Among the first responses to this request was one from the Brother B referred to in this connection, in which he expressed his conviction that it would be wrong to incorporate as a religious body according to law. This he held would be “making us a name,” as was the purpose of the builders of the tower of Babel, and would “lie at the foundation of Babylon.” As for insuring the meeting houses, were they not the Lord’s property, and could he not take care of his own without the aid of insurance companies? Further, said he, those who lend money to the office should not insist on having a note signed by a legal corporation, for “they lend it to the Lord, and they must trust the Lord for it.”—The Review and Herald, February 23,?March 22, 1860.?{1T 715.2}[11]
§24
经过充分讨论，大体上消除了有关建立合法出版社是否合适问题上的疑虑，并在1860年9月的会议上，成立了复临评论出版协会。几个月后改名为安息日复临信徒出版协会。即使在走了这一步之后，仍有人不愿意参加教会组织，于是继续讨论这个问题。但大多数人赞成建立组织，于是这个行动继续下去，先成立了地方教会组织，然后是州区会，最后于1863年成立了总会。{1T 715.3}[12]
§25
After much discussion the misgivings regarding the propriety of legally organizing the publishing office were largely overcome, and at a conference held in September, 1860, the Advent Review Publishing Association was formed. A few months later the name was changed to the Seventh-day Adventist Publishing Association. Even after this step there still remained with some a reluctance to enter into church organization, and the subject continued to be discussed. However, with the large majority favoring organization, the movement proceeded, first by the organization of churches, then of state conferences, and, finally in 1863, of the General Conference.?{1T 715.3}[12]
§26
关于“组织”的证言（第270-272页），谈到了这个行动在纽约州所遇到的反对，以及就此而赐下的异象。{1T 715.4}[13]
§27
The testimony on “Organization” (pages 270-272) speaks of the opposition that was encountered in New York State to this move and of the vision given regarding it.?{1T 715.4}[13]
§28
第292页——术士并没有真的把他们的杖变成蛇，而只是在那大骗子的帮助下，藉着魔术变出蛇的外观。撒但无法把杖变成真蛇。邪恶之君虽拥有堕落天使的一切智慧和能力，却没有能力创造或赐予生命。这是上帝所独有的能力。撒但只能做他力所能及的事。他所造的乃是赝品。在人看来杖变成了蛇。法老和他的朝臣也是这样相信的。在外表上它们与摩西和亚伦所变的蛇没有区别。所以证言是以圣经的语气说这件事的。而同一位圣灵解释说，圣经这里所讲的，只是外表的状况。见《证言》33辑，卷五696-698页。{1T 716.1}[14]
§29
Page 292—The magicians did not really cause their rods to become serpents; but by magic, aided by the great deceiver, they were able to produce this appearance. It was beyond the power of Satan to change the rods to living serpents. The prince of evil, though possessing all the wisdom and might of an angel fallen, has not power to create or to give life; this is the prerogative of God alone. But all that was in Satan’s power to do he did; he produced a counterfeit. To human sight the rods were changed to serpents. Such they were believed to be by Pharaoh and his court. There was nothing in their appearance to distinguish them from the serpent produced by Moses and Aaron. Thus the testimony speaks of it in the language of the Scriptures; while the same Spirit explains that the Scriptures speak of it as the case appeared. See?Testimony No. 33, vol. 5, 696-698.?{1T 716.1}[14]
§30
第355页：“叛乱”——1863年初写这篇证言的时候，安息日复临信徒面临着一个严肃的问题。国家正在内战。教会的信徒虽然内心都不主战，但几乎全都支持政府反对奴隶制。随着战争的进展，越来越多的人应征入伍。每次征兵的时候，各地区都有义务提供一定数量的新兵。当征募的志愿兵人数不够时，就要提名补足缺欠。有一段时期可以支付一定的钱财聘请一位替代者，从而避免被提名入伍。由于当时让安息日复临信徒从事非战斗岗位的规定，也不允许遵守安息日，守安息日的人若被提名入伍，通常就以这种方式购买他们的豁免权。若是被提名的人无力独自支付那笔钱，就会得到为此而设立的一项基金的帮助。{1T 716.2}[15]
§31
Page 355, “The Rebellion”—At the time that this testimony was written, early in 1863, Seventh-day Adventists were faced with a serious problem. The nation was at war. Although at heart noncombatants, the sympathies of the church members were, almost without exception, entirely with the government in its opposition to slavery. As the conflict progressed, more and more men were called to the army. At each call every district was under obligation to furnish a certain number of recruits, and when the voluntary enlistments fell below that number, names were drawn to make up the lack. For a time it was possible by the payment of money to buy a substitute and thus release one whose name had been drawn. As there was no provision made for assigning Seventh-day Adventists to noncombatant service, and no allowance for Sabbath observance, Sabbathkeepers, when drafted, usually in this way purchased their exemption. If the individual was unable to raise the money himself, he was helped by a fund raised for that purpose.?{1T 716.2}[15]
§32
当需要更多的人入伍，而且国家的兵役法即将不再提供这种豁免权时，我们的弟兄对于如何响应这种征兵就感到为难了。他们可能要被迫拿起武器，或在安息日作工。{1T 716.3}[16]
§33
Now, as more men were needed, and a national conscription law without such exemption privileges was impending, our brethren were in perplexity regarding their response to such a draft, where they might be compelled to take up arms or to work on the Sabbath.?{1T 716.3}[16]
§34
这篇证言发表之前数月，怀长老曾在《评论与通讯》上发表了一篇社论，题目是《国家》。第365页所提到的就是这篇社论。他相信政府会成为世上最好的，而且正为一项正义的事业而战。他在当时的最佳建议是，在征兵的事上，“拒绝乃是愚蠢的行为”，并且说：{1T 716.4}[17]
§35
A few months prior to the appearance of this testimony, Elder White had published an editorial in the?Review and Herald?entitled “The Nation,” to which reference is made on page 356. He believed the government to be the best on earth and fighting for a righteous cause. His best counsel at that time was that in the event of drafting “it would be madness to resist,” and added:?{1T 716.4}[17]
§36
“凡拒绝服兵役而被军法处决的人，我们认为是做得太过分了，要负自杀的责任。”——《评论与通讯》，1862年8月12日。{1T 716.5}[18]
§37
“He who would resist until, in the administration of military law, he was shot down, goes too far, we think, in taking the responsibility of suicide.”—The Review and Herald, August 12, 1862.?{1T 716.5}[18]
§38
如怀夫人所指出的，这篇文章发表后出现的一些信函，实质上是指控怀长老“违背安息日和谋杀”。怀夫人一方面责备这种极端分子，另一方面也向那些要参军的人发出警告。{1T 716.6}[19]
§39
The nature of some of the correspondence that followed this article, as pointed out by Mrs. White, had been such as to lead Elder White to protest against a virtual charge of “Sabbathbreaking and?murder” which had been brought against him. Such extremists were reproved by Mrs. White on the one hand, and on the other hand a note of warning was sounded to those who were inclined to enlist.?{1T 716.6}[19]
§40
1864年7月，修正了国家兵役法，取消了300美元豁免兵役的条款。教会立即采取步骤使安息日复临青年信徒获得良心上反对持械之宗派的特权，可以被分配到医院中，或照管被释放人员等非战斗岗位上。在一场严重的危机来到之前，这些努力是成功的。少数安息日复临信徒应征入伍，被分配到医院或其它非战斗岗位。他们无论被分配做什么，都设法使自己的光照出来。在好几个月时间里，《评论与通讯》的专栏都定期公布士兵传单基金的收据清单。基金的目的是提供宣传品让人传阅。{1T 717.1}[20]
§41
In July, 1864, the national conscription law was so amended as to revoke the $300 exemption clause. Steps were immediately taken to secure for the Seventh-day Adventist young men the privileges granted to members of religious denominations who were conscientiously opposed to bearing arms—of being assigned to noncombatant service in hospital duty or in caring for freed men. Before a serious crisis was reached, these efforts were successful. In a few cases Seventh-day Adventist young men were drafted into the army and were assigned to hospital work or other noncombatant service. Whatever their assignment, they tried to let their light shine. Regularly for several months there ran through the columns of the?Review and Herald?a listing of receipts for a soldier’s tract fund to furnish literature for distribution among the men.?{1T 717.1}[20]
§42
安息日复临信徒在内战中的经历，使他们采取步骤获得了非战斗人员身份的认可，同时又遵守了圣经关于他们与“上帝所命定掌权者”关系的教训。{1T 717.2}[21]
§43
The experiences of Seventh-day Adventists in connection with the Civil War led them to take steps that secured for them a recognized status as noncombatants, which at the same time enabled them to follow the Scriptural injunctions regarding their relationships to “the powers that be,” which “are ordained of God.”?{1T 717.2}[21]
§44
第421,456页：服装改革——在写这篇证言的时候（1863年，1867年）,美国妇女所穿的服装一般非常有害于健康。这些服装特别引起反对，是因为它们极长，且用紧身胸衣束缚腰部。裙子很重，从臀部下垂。约在十年前，国家的一些杰出妇女发起一场运动，要采用一种新款的服装，消除这些严重的缺陷。新款的服装有点象土耳其男女都穿的服装。那场运动变得非常流行，以致一度年年召开“服装改革”大会。{1T 717.3}[22]
§45
Pages 421, 456, Dress Reform—The dresses generally worn by women in America at the time this was written (1863, 1867), were very deleterious to health. They were especially objectionable because of their extreme length, the constriction of the waist by the corset, and the weight of the heavy skirts which were suspended from the hips. About a decade earlier a few women of national prominence initiated a movement to adopt a new style of dress that would be free from these serious objections. The new mode of dress was somewhat like the Turkish costume worn by men and women alike. The movement became so popular that for a time “dress reform” conventions were held annually.?{1T 717.3}[22]
§46
怀夫人在这里所提到的“美国式服装”是对早期款式的一种改良，由纽约州丹斯威尔的哈里特·奥斯汀医生发起的。它将“从臀部到膝盖中间长度”的短裙和男式长裤，外套及背心搭配起来。见第465页的描述。怀夫人于1864年蒙指示，看到这种“所谓改良的服装”是不适于上帝的子民。{1T 717.4}[23]
§47
“The American costume,” here referred to by Mrs. White, was a modification of the earlier style and was sponsored by Dr. Harriet Austin of Dansville, New York. It combined the short skirt, “reaching about halfway from the hip to the knee,” with mannish-looking trousers, coat, and vest. See description on page 465. This “so-called reform dress” was in 1864 shown to Mrs. White to be unsuitable for adoption by God’s people.?{1T 717.4}[23]
§48
在1865年，怀夫人通过《如何生活》第6辑，呼吁本会的姐妹采用既端庄又健康的服装样式。第二年，巴特尔克里克新开办的健康改良院采取步骤设计了一款服装，纠正了过短的美国服装和人们通常所穿的过长过重的服装。{1T 717.5}[24]
§49
In 1865 Mrs. White, through?How to Live, No. 6, appealed to our sisters to adopt a style of dress which was both modest and healthful. The next year the newly opened Health Reform Institute in Battle Creek took steps to design a pattern of dress that would correct the extremes of the short American costume or the ultra-long heavy dresses as commonly worn.?{1T 717.5}[24]
§50
在1867年《证言》第11辑的第一篇文章就是《服装的改革》。见第456-466页。这篇文章充分回顾了服装问题，并提出了进一步的劝勉，推荐了一种普通的款式，体现出显示给怀夫人的原则，被称为“名副其实的改良型短连衣裙。”异象中并没有向她显示具体的款式。怀夫人后来论到这个问题时说：{1T 717.6}[25]
§51
In 1867?Testimony?No. 11 appeared with its first article, “Reform?in Dress.” See pages 456-466. In this the dress question was fully reviewed and further counsel given. A general pattern was recommended as embodying the principles revealed to Mrs. White, and was referred to as “worthy of the name of the reform short dress.” No particular pattern was revealed to her in vision, and, when discussing the matter at a later date, Mrs. White stated:?{1T 717.6}[25]
§52
“有些人以为所提出的款式人人得采用。事实并非如此。而是应在各种境况下最好采用这类简朴的款式。主并没有赐给我一个精确的款式作为严格的准则，指导所有人的着装。”——《怀爱伦信函》1897年第19号。引自《我们健康信息的故事》第145页。{1T 718.1}[26]
§53
“Some have supposed that the very pattern given was the pattern that all were to adopt. This is not so. But something as simple as this would be the best we could adopt under the circumstances. No one precise style has been given me as the exact rule to guide all in their dress.”—E. G. White?Letter 19, 1897. Quoted in?The Story of Our Health Message, 442.?{1T 718.1}[26]
§54
随着岁月的流逝，女式服装的款式变好了，变得合理而有益健康了。旧式的健康改良服装的严格款式不再向人推荐，但怀夫人所作有关服装的证言始终应在这个问题上指导基督徒。因此她在1897年写道：{1T 718.2}[27]
§55
As the years passed, the prevailing styles of women’s dress changed for the better, becoming more sensible and healthful. The old health reform dress in its exact pattern was no longer urged, but there was ever a uniform testimony borne by Mrs. White regarding the fundamental principles that should guide the Christian in this matter. Thus in 1897 she wrote:?{1T 718.2}[27]
§56
“但愿我们的姐妹象许多人那样，穿着朴素。衣服要有好的质料，耐用，端庄，合乎这个时代。我们不要老是想着服装的问题。”——同上第146页。{1T 718.3}[28]
§57
“Let our sisters dress plainly, as many do, having the dress of good material, durable, modest, appropriate for this age, and let not the dress question fill the mind.”—The Story of Our Health Message, 442.?{1T 718.3}[28]
§58
第525页——关于服装问题，详见《教会证言》卷四，第30辑，《服装的简朴》 {1T 718.4}[29]
§59
Page 525—For further explanation of the subject of dress the reader is referred to?Testimonies for the Church, vol. 4, No. 30, article, “Simplicity in Dress.”?{1T 718.4}[29]
§60
第689页——传单社在许多州建立以来，承担起了向合适的穷人提供书报的工作。文中所提到的一些著作现已绝版。{1T 718.5}[30]
§61
Page 689—Since the organization of tract societies in many states, the furnishing of books and tracts to the worthy poor has been assumed by them. Some of the works here mentioned are now out of print.?{1T 718.5}[30]
§62
【怀爱伦著作托管委员会】[31]
§63
The Trustees of the Ellen G. White Publications[31]